The leadership in Minsk seems to be taking advantage of the crisis in Ukraine to improve its image
Revolution does not always have to be weapons and warfare; it's also about revolutionary ideas. It's about the principles that we hold to be representative of the kind of world we want to live in
For gas to compete as an energy source on the international stage, a more unified market system is needed
Mutual sanctions are always extremely unpleasant, and the application of sanctions and the “hot” trade war between Russia, Europe and the United States can have no good result.
The world economy is evidently entering a lower growth period, after decades of prosperity unique from a historical point of view
The recent sinking of the Mistral deal, in which France was to have supplied Russia with high-tech assault craft for 1.2 billion euros ($1.66 billion), was heralded as a political victory for the West.
Increased terrorist activity in the Middle East has Russia rethink its foreign policy, and support the Arab League's intention of a "comprehensive treaty of collective security."
Islamic State fighters have plenty of reason to hate Putin in light of Russia supplying their foe Syrian President Bashar Assad with weapons throughout that country's conflict, and it would be a mistake to assume their video warning is an empty threat.
Turning points in history are rarely recognized as such by contemporaries. Even while following the news and sensing that something has gone wrong, people go about their lives in the usual way.
This year has brought the chilliest phase in relations between Russia and the West since the end of the Cold War.
The Ukrainian crisis has two closely intertwined dimensions: a domestic one and an external one, both testifying to the failure to manage the process correctly.
The political crisis that erupted in Ukraine in early 2014 has ended the period in Russian-Western relations that began with the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989
According to the prevailing wisdom in the West, the Ukraine crisis can be blamed almost entirely on Russian aggression.
France currently faces a dilemma in connection with a contract for the sale of four Mistral-class amphibious assault ships.
After President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi's visit to Egypt, Russian and Egyptian trade and security cooperation are stronger than ever.
There’s something about Russia’s attempts to establish a strong national identity in the post-Cold War era that clashes with America’s perceptions of its unique role in the world.
Before the downing of Malaysia Airlines Flight MH17, it was hard to see how the Europeans were going to implement serious economic sanctions against Russia.
Russia is learning to live in a new harsh environment of U.S.-led economic sanctions and political confrontation with the United States.
Russia has been accused of providing military help to the rebels to shoot down the Malaysia Airlines plane
And here's the spin war verdict: the current Malaysia Airlines tragedy - the second in four months - is "terrorism" perpetrated by "pro-Russian separatists", armed by Russia, and Vladimir Putin is the main culprit. End of story. Anyone who believes otherwise, shut up.
The recognition of the new reality is practically common for all the leading politicians and expert political analysts. To credit of Russian diplomacy, it should be said that we were the first to notice this transformation of the world and formulated the requirements to the country’s foreign policy arising from it.
The Ukraine crisis was not an isolated spat or a tragic misunderstanding, but rather the last straw—for both sides. The failure to achieve an acceptable post–Cold War settlement produced an unanchored relationship between the West and Russia.
The election of Ashraf Ghani as the next Afghan president will be welcomed by Washington. He might also be able to cooperate effectively with Moscow. Yet his professionalism and skills will not decrease the high level of uncertainty in the country.
For Russians, the U.S. is an ideal composite image of an enemy and at the same time an object of desire.
Despite winning closer relations with the EU, many Ukrainians are losing faith in the Maidan revolution as war rages in eastern Ukraine.
Drop into any of the big bookstores in London or Berlin and discover that they are literally occupied by books about the Great War. But how does this affect European attitudes to Russia’s involvement in Ukraine today?
While the West accuses Russia of territorial ambitions in Ukraine, it is actually the U.S. and NATO that have forced Russia’s hand in the post-Soviet space.
When Goldman Sachs’ economist James O'Neill invented the abbreviation BRIC(S) in 2002, he referred to promising investment markets. BRICS today can’t be treated narrowly as a set of emerging economies, the global economy’s "semi-periphery"?— those views are from the last decade.
Russian expert discusses the importance of nuclear energy in Russia.
The specter of Russian nationalism continues to haunt Europe and the U.S. Following Russia's annexation of Crimea, many in the West assumed that President Vladimir Putin's foreign policy was now driven by ethno-nationalist ideas, not state interests.
At a roundtable event in Moscow, top experts debated the “hypocritical” and “insincere” foreign policies of both Russia and the West in the post-Cold War era.
Vladimir Putin has mentioned several times that the collapse of the Soviet Union was a geopolitical mistake. Although these words were often interpreted as his desire to constitute that country, there is little reason to believe this.
The April 16 referendum will focus on power distribution rather than institution building. In other words, the organizers saw it as an opportunity to expand the President’s powers and allow him to rule longer. In their turn, Turks perceived it as an institutional choice to contribute to the development of the state.
If the larger picture defies prediction, the immediate future is scarcely more transparent. In the U.S. case, the known unknowns are numerous. They begin with the question of how much deck furniture Trump is willing to overturn in order to pursue an “America First” strategy.
In the wake of the For Fair Elections protest movement in Russia in 2011-2012, the Kremlin initiated a new strategy of state-society relations that was aimed at diminishing the propensity for protest in the next election cycle.
Belarus’ traditional structural dependence on Russia is increasing, and Minsk’s freedom of maneuver continues to shrink.