A silver bullet to end the conflict remains elusive but Russia can help bring about a base for success in politics and security
Russia’s showing at the most recent Munich Security Conference shows that Russia still has a long way to go in developing soft power and improving its public diplomacy capacity.
Warming ties between Russia and China are reviving the arms trade between the two countries.
The Russian president’s proposal to establish a free trade zone between the EU, Russia, Kazakhstan and Belarus – made at the recent EU-Russia summit – signals a major shift in Russian foreign policy.
Russia and Ukraine’s future prosperity lies in developing European-style democracies. Integrating Ukraine’s economy may create a window for reform.
The recent rapprochement between Iran and the United States, regardless of how fragile it is, has driven a number of analysts and politicians in Russia and abroad to speculate about the possible negative consequences for Russia’s relations with Iran of Tehran’s “pivot to America.”
All said, we are living in a global and rapidly changing world, and these changes will only gather momentum. How will the world change, and what can we do so as not to be left on the periphery of the new world order?
Society should find the optimal balance between a need to preserve its identity, on the one hand, and a readiness for continuous change and an active search and battle for its place in the new global landscape, on the other.
There are many reasons for the release of Khodorkovsky after 10 years in a Russian prison, some of them known and many that are unknown.
The developments in the Middle East in 2013 had a number of common features, which I believe will continue into the new year.
Fifty international experts from Russia and the Asia-Pacific Region gathered in Singapore this week for the inaugural session of the joint project, entitled “Developing the Asia-Pacific’s Last Frontier
If Cold War II hasn't already started, it is somewhere around the corner.
Karl Marx famously remarked that major historical events occur twice – the “first time as tragedy, then as farce.” In Ukraine, sadly, tragedy and farce are inseparable.
The West has made “partnerships” with other post-Soviet countries such as Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, but none of them can be considered true democracies.
Much has been said about the defeat the European Union suffered with Ukraine’s sudden refusal to sign a trade and association agreement. The contrary is true: The EU has had a lucky escape and so have the Ukrainian people.
The U.S. strategy is also changing in substance, with Mr. Obama's approach to Moscow fundamentally different from that of George W. Bush. Moscow and Washington have dropped the state of a mutual conflict and moved over to the recognition and pursuit of shared interests.
The European family does not really care about Ukraine, nor does it care about Russia. Europe wants Ukraine to tear itself away from Russia at its own expense.
By excluding one another from initiatives promoting engagement and integration with post-Soviet states, the West and Russia have created an inadvertent and unnecessary rivalry.
The military component will become a top priority and a driving force of Russia’s policy on the Far East. Most efforts of economic integration to the region may mostly remain incomplete.
I believe that the optimal development scenario requires joint efforts by Ukraine, the EU and Russia, which should analyze possible ways to streamline economic relations in Europe.
How will Kiev’s choice affect relations within the Russia – Ukraine – EU triangle? What is the future of the Eastern Partnership?
A significant number of non-governmental actors can justifiably be regarded as an integral part of modern diplomacy, if by diplomacy we mean the communication system available to the international community.
Migration policies and xenophobia in Russia are at the forefront of political discussion in the wake of the riots in Biryulyovo.
Given decades of East-West encounters, the latest EU-Russia diplomatic row is “just another classic.” Nearing November’s Eastern Partnership Summit in Vilnius, it will be the match to watch. Question: what happens in December?
The Cuban Missile Crisis marked a turning point in the debate in the U.S. policy-making community over whether the nuclear war was winnable.
The U.S. faces an increasingly complex international environment, and the candidates do voters a disservice by failing to articulate their foreign policy visions.
When the Baltic countries entered NATO and the European Union a couple of years ago, many thought it was the end of the centuries-old "red line." Euro-Atlantic organizations had crossed into the former Russian and Soviet empires.
In September 2004, the Russian city of Novgorod hosted an international conference entitled Russia at the Turn of the Century: Hopes and Reality. Its organizers were the RIA Novosti news agency, the Council on Foreign and Defense Policy, Russia in Global Affairs, and The Moscow Times.
Requiem for Ethnos is written in a manner that is not typical of the contemporary Russian social science. The book is defiantly provocative: the author deliberately makes many sharp statements, which strive to involve his colleagues in polemics. The book demonstrates not only the author’s profound knowledge of the actual processes now taking place in society, but also his knowledge of the diverse opinions held by his Russian and foreign colleagues.
Any debate that attempts to determine whose grief in the world is the most painful would be senseless: every country has its share of skeletons in the closet. How can the bleeding wound of Chechnya be compared with the Tibetans’ tragedy, or the simmering tensions in the Chu valley with the Kosovo impasse?
At a roundtable event in Moscow, top experts debated the “hypocritical” and “insincere” foreign policies of both Russia and the West in the post-Cold War era.
Vladimir Putin has mentioned several times that the collapse of the Soviet Union was a geopolitical mistake. Although these words were often interpreted as his desire to constitute that country, there is little reason to believe this.
The April 16 referendum will focus on power distribution rather than institution building. In other words, the organizers saw it as an opportunity to expand the President’s powers and allow him to rule longer. In their turn, Turks perceived it as an institutional choice to contribute to the development of the state.
If the larger picture defies prediction, the immediate future is scarcely more transparent. In the U.S. case, the known unknowns are numerous. They begin with the question of how much deck furniture Trump is willing to overturn in order to pursue an “America First” strategy.
In the wake of the For Fair Elections protest movement in Russia in 2011-2012, the Kremlin initiated a new strategy of state-society relations that was aimed at diminishing the propensity for protest in the next election cycle.
Belarus’ traditional structural dependence on Russia is increasing, and Minsk’s freedom of maneuver continues to shrink.