№ 4 October/ December 2006
  • From Nationalism to Nation

    On the eve of the 15th anniversary of the breakup of the Soviet Union, it has become particularly obvious that Russia has not only failed to overcome the consequences of that dramatic event, but has even failed to rethink them.

  • Kondopoga: A Warning Bell

    The events that exploded to the surface in that small microcosm of Russian society reflect the country’s situation on the ethnic, professional and psychological plane. Kondopoga may blaze a trail into the abyss for all of us, as the road of interethnic tensions will only lead to Russia’s collapse, to a finale where it will lose its leading positions in global geopolitics.

  • Non-Islamic Extremism in Today’s Russia

    The Russian elite has made a choice in favor of a right-wing conservative and isolationist ideology and policy, which is reminiscent of the era of McCarthyism in the United States. The authorities and large national capital defend their property and domestic market from strangers and occasionally expand, if need be.

  • Islam, the Way We See It

    Russia’s attitude to Islam and Muslims also fits into the general context of xenophobia that in the first half of the 1990s was considered to be a hangover of post-totalitarian thinking; 10 years later, however, it has turned into a core element of the public consciousness.

  • The Conflict of Civilizations: What Is in Store for Russia?

    It would be better to avoid any more labor migrants, whose inflow has reached a scale likely to jeopardize the ethnic and cultural balance in Russia’s major cities and in the Russian Federation on the whole. Furthermore, their presence serves to provoke an increase of tensions between different ethnic groups.

  • President Putin as Prince Hamlet

    A society that lacks the ability to live in a democracy, as well as having no alternatives to it, produces the sort of political system that has taken shape in Russia. It is a system of presidential power disguised in the vestments of democracy. Yet such a system does not stem from malevolent intent, but rather emerges on its own.

  • Uncompleted Transition

    Inherent weaknesses of the newly independent countries include not only high social costs and poor product quality, but also a shortage of managerial capital with the experience and abilities required to successfully compete on the global market.

  • Labor Migration – Factors and Alternatives

    Although Moscow has repeatedly declared that it views ethnic Russians in the ex-Soviet Union as the main reserve of immigrants into Russia, it still does not have an intelligible strategy for attracting and assimilating these groups, while the existing rules for granting Russian citizenship remain highly restrictive.

  • What We Know About Post-Soviet Countries

    Throughout the post-Soviet space, at the helm of political, spiritual and all other kinds of power, there comes nationalism. Nationalism may vary from soft political to rigid ethnocratic, but one way or another, states that have seen the rise of their statehood, regard their national idea not as something shameful but as a long-formulated ideology.

  • Real Sovereignty and Sovereign Democracy

    Rational and realistic views of democracy as a system of governance that ensures greater efficiency are not yet widespread in Russian society. Russians pinned too much hope on democracy as an ideology, especially in the late 1980s-early 1990s, and idealized its attributes. No doubt those sentiments flourished under strong external influences of various kinds.

  • Russia’s "Energy Key" Strategy

    If Russia concentrates its energy exports solely on Europe, we would do so without receiving markets for our high-value-added exports in exchange. We may just not find such markets in Europe. But if we want to receive promising markets in China and India, we must understand that the “energy key” is the easiest way to open them.

  • Neo-Con Plans and the Sober Reality

    For Russian neo-cons, the idea of entering the energy markets of the largest Asian powers – China and India – is cast almost as an economic basis for a global geopolitical revolution. Russia will restructure its energy supply system away from Europe, leaving it with an acute energy shortage, while providing economic underpinnings to the BRIC as a global geopolitical alternative to the West.

  • Assessing Russia’s Energy Doctrine

    Objectively, Russia's strategic goal is to gain full control over the gas and oil pipeline network across the post-Soviet space. Presently, the main priority of Russia’s energy strategy should be to block – at any cost and by any means – the implementation of a gas pipeline project from Kazakhstan to Turkey bypassing Russia, as well as all other projects that threaten to cut Russia off from vital gas sources.

  • Growing Pains or a Paradigm Shift?

    There is no denying that the Cold War left a legacy of suspicion which can all too easily, albeit irrationally, be reawakened. Responsible leaders should refrain from playing on that legacy and reopening old wounds. Paranoia makes bad policy. If, as it seems, we have entered a period of turbulence, there will be a need to exercise restraint, built on the many things which bind us together, and focus clearly on our long-term goals and best interests.

  • U.S.-Russian Relations: An American Perspective

    The source of the challenge is whether Russia is (or soon will be) too strong or too weak. In fact, Russia is both. The tendency of leadership in both countries to waver inconsistently between the two images, rather than deal candidly and carefully with the way the two are conjoined, gives to narrow, near-term irritants a heightened resonance.

  • The Strategic Dilemma of Central Asia

    The Central Asian countries are now objects of global politics. Their transition from being "objects" to becoming "subjects" is possible only through full-fledged regional integration. Clearly, strategic partnership must be established, above all, between the states of the region themselves. Perhaps, this is the best way to solve the strategic dilemma in Central Asia.

  • Cuba: The Final Act

    For three generations, the Cubans
    have had to adapt their behavior to the arbitrariness, pressure and abuse of a totalitarian dictatorship and, as with all the other countries that have
    abandoned Communism, those conditions have created in society
    some negative habits that will be very difficult to eradicate.
    It will take time before the Cubans discover that life in freedom is different.

Previous issues
Choose year
Choose issue
Publisher's column

A revolutionary chaos of the new world

The world is getting more troublesome and increasingly challenging right before our eyes.

Editor's column

Will Russia Lose Georgia for Good?

Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili finally got what he couldn’t get for several years: an official visit to the White House.

Reviews and essays

Russia Is Not Prepared to Restore the Empire

When the Baltic countries entered NATO and the European Union a couple of years ago, many thought it was the end of the centuries-old "red line." Euro-Atlantic organizations had crossed into the former Russian and Soviet empires.

Russia at the Turn of the Century: Hopes and Reality

In September 2004, the Russian city of Novgorod hosted an international conference entitled Russia at the Turn of the Century: Hopes and Reality. Its organizers were the RIA Novosti news agency, the Council on Foreign and Defense Policy, Russia in Global Affairs, and The Moscow Times.