Fyodor Lukyanov is editor in chief of the journal Russia in Global Affairs.
Russia is entering a momentous election season. In December, Russian voters will elect a new parliament, while in March 2008 they will vote for a new president.
Interest in next year's presidential election is gradually eclipsing all other current events in Russia. The main pursuit of analysts and commentators has become peering across this political Rubicon into the dense fog that enshrouds the opposite bank...
It is difficult to recall a single year over the past decade-and-a-half in which Russian foreign policy has generated results as contradictory as in 2006. It's almost as if there were two different Russias acting on the international stage, the first as perceived from the Russian side and the second as seen by the West...
When the Baltic countries entered NATO and the European Union a couple of years ago, many thought it was the end of the centuries-old "red line." Euro-Atlantic organizations had crossed into the former Russian and Soviet empires...
When the Baltic countries entered NATO and the European Union a couple of years ago, many thought it was the end of the centuries-old "red line." Euro-Atlantic organizations had crossed into the former Russian and Soviet empires.
It is 17 years since the fall of the Berlin wall and 15 years since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Current events in the former "socialist world" show that the scale of difficulties involved in the transition was seriously underestimated...
On the eve of the 15th anniversary of the breakup of the Soviet Union, it has become particularly obvious that Russia has not only failed to overcome the consequences of that dramatic event, but has even failed to rethink them.
There are two features of the current crisis between Moscow and Tbilisi that differentiate it from the many difficulties between the two in the past.
Everyone agrees that Sept. 11, 2001, changed the world. Much has been said and written about the impact the terrorist attacks had on the United States, how Europe responded and the Middle East was transformed, and about the effect the attacks had on the institutions of international relations in general.
Russia’s G8 presidency, which will be crowned by the July summit in St. Petersburg, has become the leitmotif of Russia’s foreign policy this year.
The arrival of spring was marked by several anniversaries in Russia and the world.
This year will mark 15 years since the breakup of the Soviet Union, a dramatic event whose aftermath will determine the course of world history for a long time.
Of the many subjects of political debate in Russia in 2005, the main emphasis has been on national sovereignty.
Thirty years ago, on August 1, 1975, the leaders of 35 countries gathered in Helsinki to sign the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe.
Russia is marking two anniversaries this spring that are of fundamental importance for its development.
The year 2004 has proven to be Russian President Vladimir Putin’s most difficult year since he took office in 2000. Apart from an upsurge in terrorism, which culminated in the horrible terrorist act in Beslan, Putin faced a decrease in economic growth rates, the declining position of Moscow in the post-Soviet space, and a marked deterioration in the West’s attitude toward Moscow.
The preliminary outcome of the battle shows that Ukraine is a complicated and subtle political system that does not deserve a simplified approach.
Following the recent hostage drama in Beslan, where hundreds of schoolchildren were brutally killed by terrorists, we must ask the question: “What kind of country has Russia become?”
The Kremlin has earmarked enormous resources to ensure Viktor Yanukovich’s victory in Ukraine’s presidential election, in order to prove that Russia still has influence in the post-Soviet republic, and not because it would actually benefit from that win.
Differences in the interpretation of the Beslan hostage drama by Russia and the West could well drive a wedge between the two sides, reducing relations to their lowest point since the demise of the Soviet empire.
There already was a Georgian president who failed to live up to his own popularity and subsequently drove his country into the abyss.
Fifteen years ago, in the early summer of 1989, the entire Soviet nation was glued to the television, not believing its eyes. At that time, the country held its first Congress of People’s Deputies of the Soviet Union, and it was then that public politics first arose in Russia.
Russia is entering a momentous election season. In December, Russian voters will elect a new parliament, while in March 2008 they will vote for a new president.
Interest in next year's presidential election is gradually eclipsing all other current events in Russia. The main pursuit of analysts and commentators has become peering across this political Rubicon into the dense fog that enshrouds the opposite bank...
It is difficult to recall a single year over the past decade-and-a-half in which Russian foreign policy has generated results as contradictory as in 2006. It's almost as if there were two different Russias acting on the international stage, the first as perceived from the Russian side and the second as seen by the West...
When the Baltic countries entered NATO and the European Union a couple of years ago, many thought it was the end of the centuries-old "red line." Euro-Atlantic organizations had crossed into the former Russian and Soviet empires...
When the Baltic countries entered NATO and the European Union a couple of years ago, many thought it was the end of the centuries-old "red line." Euro-Atlantic organizations had crossed into the former Russian and Soviet empires.
It is 17 years since the fall of the Berlin wall and 15 years since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Current events in the former "socialist world" show that the scale of difficulties involved in the transition was seriously underestimated...
On the eve of the 15th anniversary of the breakup of the Soviet Union, it has become particularly obvious that Russia has not only failed to overcome the consequences of that dramatic event, but has even failed to rethink them.
There are two features of the current crisis between Moscow and Tbilisi that differentiate it from the many difficulties between the two in the past.
Everyone agrees that Sept. 11, 2001, changed the world. Much has been said and written about the impact the terrorist attacks had on the United States, how Europe responded and the Middle East was transformed, and about the effect the attacks had on the institutions of international relations in general.
Russia’s G8 presidency, which will be crowned by the July summit in St. Petersburg, has become the leitmotif of Russia’s foreign policy this year.
The arrival of spring was marked by several anniversaries in Russia and the world.
This year will mark 15 years since the breakup of the Soviet Union, a dramatic event whose aftermath will determine the course of world history for a long time.
Of the many subjects of political debate in Russia in 2005, the main emphasis has been on national sovereignty.
Thirty years ago, on August 1, 1975, the leaders of 35 countries gathered in Helsinki to sign the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe.
Russia is marking two anniversaries this spring that are of fundamental importance for its development.
The year 2004 has proven to be Russian President Vladimir Putin’s most difficult year since he took office in 2000. Apart from an upsurge in terrorism, which culminated in the horrible terrorist act in Beslan, Putin faced a decrease in economic growth rates, the declining position of Moscow in the post-Soviet space, and a marked deterioration in the West’s attitude toward Moscow.
The preliminary outcome of the battle shows that Ukraine is a complicated and subtle political system that does not deserve a simplified approach.
Following the recent hostage drama in Beslan, where hundreds of schoolchildren were brutally killed by terrorists, we must ask the question: “What kind of country has Russia become?”
The Kremlin has earmarked enormous resources to ensure Viktor Yanukovich’s victory in Ukraine’s presidential election, in order to prove that Russia still has influence in the post-Soviet republic, and not because it would actually benefit from that win.
Differences in the interpretation of the Beslan hostage drama by Russia and the West could well drive a wedge between the two sides, reducing relations to their lowest point since the demise of the Soviet empire.
There already was a Georgian president who failed to live up to his own popularity and subsequently drove his country into the abyss.
Fifteen years ago, in the early summer of 1989, the entire Soviet nation was glued to the television, not believing its eyes. At that time, the country held its first Congress of People’s Deputies of the Soviet Union, and it was then that public politics first arose in Russia.
When the Baltic countries entered NATO and the European Union a couple of years ago, many thought it was the end of the centuries-old "red line." Euro-Atlantic organizations had crossed into the former Russian and Soviet empires.
In September 2004, the Russian city of Novgorod hosted an international conference entitled Russia at the Turn of the Century: Hopes and Reality. Its organizers were the RIA Novosti news agency, the Council on Foreign and Defense Policy, Russia in Global Affairs, and The Moscow Times.