All articles
Igor Zevelev

Igor Zevelev is Doctor of Political Science.

  • 27 december 2012

    A New Realism for the 21st Century

    Maintaining a balance between the Euro-Atlantic vector and the Asian-Pacific vector of Russian foreign policy should not be a game of U-turns one way or the other, but should rather be characterized by flexibility and readiness to adapt to a rapidly changing world.

  • 20 december 2009

    Russia’s Future: Nation or Civilization?

    To build a real civic identity, a nation must have legitimate and, desirably, historically grounded borders, as well as stable and effective state institutions. The all-Russian nation within the present borders of the Russian Federation is young, unstable and weak. Regular elections, political parties, common social and economic problems, and politics could gradually become a shell for a new political nation.

  • 2 march 2008

    Russia’s Policy Toward Compatriots in the Former Soviet Union

    The official attitude of Moscow toward Russians outside the Russian Federation after the disintegration of the Soviet Union shows quite clearly the victory of pragmatism over the phantoms of imperial heritage. Yet the political rhetoric concerning this issue often has a neo-imperialist tone. It plays a compensatory role in the national consciousness and lays foundations for more resolute actions in the future.

  • 17 november 2007

    Russia and China in the Mirror of U.S. Policies

    Russia could learn from the Chinese the intricate overtones of public diplomacy, even though it recognizes its own difference as a political player. Beijing skillfully lifts its partners’ concerns over the growth of China’s economic and military capability, and persistently profiles itself as a friendly country that is trying to build a harmonious world.

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Publisher's column

‘China and Russia are quasi allies … On strategic affairs Russia and India have serious conversations only at top level’

"Our most important foreign priority would be keeping peace in the world – very important for Russia, and also because the global situation is worse than at any time in decades."

Editor's column

WEF-2018: Everybody First

If America, with its power, influence, capabilities and share in the world economy proclaims itself "First", it thereby sets the tone. So everyone will have to follow it and also to become "first of all." It's hardly worth to be glad about it. But we must be ready.

Four Years Since Maidan: Why Russia-West Reconciliation Will Remain Crucial During Putin’s Fourth Term

In early 2018, a remarkable milestone was reached in post-Cold War history: as of February 5, the Berlin Wall had officially been down for as long as it was up. But in contrast to the jubilance and optimism that surrounded the fall of communism, today is characterized by growing mistrust and even open hostility between Moscow and Western capitals as we appear to be further away from the promise made in 1989 by President George H. W. Bush of a “Europe whole and free.”

What Сan Britain Do in Response to Russian Nerve Attack?

The UK Government has concluded "it is highly likely that Russia was responsible" for a “brazen attempt to murder innocent civilians on our soil,” Theresa May told the Commons on Monday after a nerve agent was used on Sergei Skripal and his daughter in Salisbury.

The Russian Revolution of 1917: History, Memory, and Politics

In 100 years since the Revolution of 1917, it continues to have impact on the Russian society. Divergent assessments of the Revolution and different approaches to its commemoration have been sparking off heated debates on Russia’s past and future that emphasize the need to reconcile different narratives.

The Global Resurgence of Economic Nationalism

Against a background of shifting geoeconomic power from the West to the East, economic nationalism has become the development strategy that allows rising powers to reverse negative asymmetry in interdependent economic relationships.

Conditionality Beyond Sanctions

Identifying and Pursuing Interests in the EU-Russia Relationship.

The Demise of Ukraine’s “Eurasian Vector” and the Rise of Pro-NATO Sentiment

Before 2014, the majority of Ukrainians did not view the goal of European integration as a “national idea.” Even so, most Ukrainians had positive views about developing relations with and integrating into the EU.