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Alexei Miller

Alexei Miller - Doctor of History, is Professor at the Department of History, European University in St. Petersburg; Visiting Professor at the Central European University (Budapest).

  • 17 june 2016

    Memory Control

    Manipulative use of history becomes one of the central issues in today’s political language. When the Nord Stream gas pipeline is described as a new Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, this devalues people’ memory and paralyzes their ability to conduct a substantive political discussion.

  • 15 december 2015

    “A Remedy for National Narcissism”

    National historical narratives describing the grandeur of “our” nation and its struggle for good against evil are the intrinsic ailment of history. But there are also historians who take such narratives with a grain of salt. If society prosecutes historians who lay the groundwork for critical public dialogue about the past, it will lose the only effective remedy for national narcissism.

  • 18 december 2014

    A Year of Frustrated Hopes

    (2)

    Today historical memory policy is facing its deepest crisis of the post-Soviet era. It is quite possible that in the historical perspective 2014 will be perceived as the beginning of the long process of mobilizing civil society on a platform that will be not only anti-liberal, but also nationalist.

  • 21 march 2014

    Historical Memory Policy

    History of Russia narrated as a sequence of only horrors and failures or, on the contrary, as a continuous string of victories and successes is equally unproductive for forming the individual and collective identity.

  • 23 june 2012

    The Invention of Tradition

    (1)

    The Ribbon of St. George, which was re-invented in 2005, modernized the symbolism of Victory Day and focused attention on the heroism of soldiers, an indisputable part of the military myth more acceptable by Russians than the traditional VD symbols tied to the Soviet past.

  • 29 december 2011

    A Challenge from the Past

    The intensity of “historical wars in Europe” has decreased since 2009, but the process could still be reversed. It is still very likely that history will be used as a tool for political disputes. Reverting to extremely aggressive, conflict-prone and destructive methods of historical policy is still a realistic threat.

  • 22 june 2011

    The Labyrinths of Historical Policy

    History will likely become an important, if not decisive, ideological element in reformatting the entire social and political sphere in Russia – something that is practically inevitable twenty years after the collapse of the Soviet Union and because the related emotions and images are gradually disappearing from most peoples’ short-term memories.

  • 7 july 2010

    Russia: Politics and History

    (1)

    The ruinous consequences of history politics in Russia may be much tougher than in other countries: the weaker pluralism and democracy, the fewer opportunities society and the guild of historians have to resist history politics. If interference of politics in history continues to develop at such a fast rate and in the same vein as in the past two or three years, Russia will suffer a major setback.

  • 16 november 2008

    A Nation-State or a State-Nation?

    Nobody knows what may happen if the Ukrainian policy continues developing along the nation-state course. For the more than eight million people who consider themselves to be Russians, the important thing is not the change to Ukrainian identity, but the loss of living comfortably in case they maintain their Russian identity.

  • 9 august 2008

    The Undying Echo of the Past

    There is a great risk of getting mired in counterproductive discussions about the frontiers of the European model of historical development. References to the history of one region or another or one nation or another as “European” or “non-European” are unscrupulously used today inside the EU itself and along its periphery when it comes to discussing whether the region or nation deserves to be a member of a united Europe.

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Publisher's column

Russia’s Victory, new Concert of Nations

Russia was resolved and would win, which it actually did by the beginning of 2016. Threats to tear its economy to tatters and organize regime change either through asphyxiating sanctions, organizing “a conspiracy of oligarchs” or popular discontent have been forgotten.

Editor's column

Trump’s Foreign Policy Is ‘Buy American’ — Become An Ally By Becoming A Client

The rest, including political initiatives and even military force, seem for Trump to serve only as means to achieve commercial ends.


Here's a Breakdown of Russia's Foreign Policy Goals

During the 2014 Ukraine crisis, Russia broke from the post–Cold War system and openly challenged U.S. dominance. This effectively ended 25 years of cooperation between great powers and ushered in an era of intense competition. Three years on, Moscow is still in defiance.

Merkel’s Russia Policy

Angela Merkel became Chancellor supposedly at a time when there was no longer a German policy vis-?-vis Russia, but an all-European Russia policy.

A Tranquilizer With a Scent of Gunpowder. The Balance between Russian and NATO Forces in Eastern Europe after 2014

The serious decline in Russia’s relations with the West has breathed a new life into NATO, which returned to its traditional role, the containment of Russia.

A Cyber Revolt in the Making

Regular news reports on cyberattacks, information leaks, hacking and their political consequences have been dominating the headlines. Cyberspace turned out to be an efficient means to bring people together and to exert their will, which governments have to reckon with.

Turkey and Russia, Erdogan and Putin

By the summer of 2016, it had become relatively commonplace in Western policy circles to wonder if Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan was following in the footsteps of Russian President Vladimir Putin, and, if so, how far down that path he would take Turkey.

The Need to Massage Egos: Status Politics as a Crucial Element of US-Russia Relations

Despite multiple official declarations of non-adversarial intentions issued by the United States and Russia over the past quarter-century, both sides have been unable to avoid repeated bouts of conflict escalation.