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Timofey Bordachev

Timofei Bordachev is an Associate Professor at the Faculty of World Economy and International Affairs, National Research University-Higher School of Economics (HSE), Director of the Centre for Comprehensive European and International Studies (CCEIS).

SPIN RSCI: 6872-5326

ORCID: 0000-0003-3267-0335

ResearcherID: E-9365-2014

Scopus AuthorID: 56322540000

tel: +7(495) 772-9590 *22186

e-mail: tbordachev@hse.ru

Office 427, Bldg.1, Malaya Ordynka Str. 17, Moscow, Russia

  • 28 december 2012

    Realism Instead of Utopia

    We should not shut ourselves off from China, but cooperate with it: to identify the competitive advantages of the Transbaikal and the Russian Far East; to find points and areas of complementarity of the two economies; and to work along those lines.

  • 25 march 2012

    Russia in Global Society

    (3)

    A power resource (a component of power) is important not by itself but when applied to circumstances where it can be used, or to a specific form of relations between states. The component of power that plays the key role in specific relations is viewed as the key indicator, and a new balance of power can be defined on its basis.

  • 15 october 2010

    Foreign Policy Comeback

    A handgun on the temple of an equally strong partner has always been the most reliable guarantee of relative stability, and not only in bilateral relations but on the global scale. The fear of each other’s power as the main bond keeping the international system together is vanishing.

  • 9 april 2010

    A Pre-Westphalian World Economy

    Establishing global governance institutions such as an Economic League of Nations might offer a response to the challenge that arises from the growing independence of the global economy. Such institutions should regulate the entire world economy in the same way that they regulate individual economic sectors.

  • 20 december 2009

    Without Ideology or Order

    The greatest achievement in Russian foreign policy over the past 20 years has been the renunciation of messianism. Yet today Russia has to choose again between a policy based on global ideas, one that is mainly pursued by the United States, and sovereign pragmatism, which is characteristic of the foreign policies of China, India, and – increasingly – Europe.

  • 5 september 2009

    Russia and the U.S.: Reconfiguration, Not Resetting

    It would make sense for Moscow to offer its own package of ideas to Washington regarding the improvement of relations, and this package should be bigger than the one proposed by President Obama. The two countries must take a course towards a “big deal” based on the analysis of vital interests of the sides and their priority ranking. The parties should pledge respect for each other’s interests in the areas where these interests are truly vital, while making concessions on secondary issues.

  • 16 november 2008

    The Limits of Rational Choice

    History is really only made by big deals. It is only a “big deal” – energy in exchange for full-scale common institutions – that can make relations between Russia and Europe stable for a long time.

  • 15 june 2008

    A Time to Cast Stones

    Russia’s gradual but irreversible return to the global economy and politics opened up new opportunities – and simultaneously set new requirements and structural restrictions to the national foreign policy. Russia emerged a full-fledged player in global politics in the first years of this century and displayed a conduct completely proportionate to that politics.

  • 8 august 2007

    The European World After 1989

    The regional and global consequences of the present “neighborly” miscommunications between Berlin, London, Paris, Warsaw and Moscow may eventually exceed any massacre, such as in Africa for example, or some other global catastrophe. An unbalanced and weak Europe will itself become a theater of military-political actions for countries and non-state actors, whose conduct is far from the one accepted in the Old World.

  • 13 may 2007

    Sovereignty and Integration

    The main lesson from the past 50 years of European history shows that a nation’s involvement in the ongoing integration process does not necessarily cause it to lose its sovereignty. However, the next few decades may prove that a country outside the integration process that declares its sovereignty can in effect lose these rights.

  • 8 may 2006

    Toward a Strategic Alliance

    By agreeing to extend/renew the PCA, or replace it with another document taken from the foreign-policy nomenclature of the European Commission that reflects its terminology, Russia would be voluntary admitting to its status as a “younger partner,” thus becoming an object for inspection and instruction.

  • 13 april 2004

    Is the Europeanization of Russia Over?

    Russia and the European Union have recently experienced a cooling-off in their relations. The partnership model, which the parties adopted ten years ago to achieve their gradual integration, is now obviously in conflict with reality. The reality is that Russia and the EU represent different political and economic systems that are not integrable in principle.

  • 16 may 2003

    Russia’s Choice Should Provide for Liberty of Action

    While negotiating with the EU for a common economic area, Moscow must realize that it will have to waive part of its political independence in exchange for the benefits of a common market.

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Publisher's column

A new world order: A view from Russia

Since around 2017–2018, the world has been living through a period of progressive erosion, or collapse, of international orders inherited from the past. With the election of Donald Trump and the rapid increase of US containment of Russia and China—which is both a consequence of this gradual erosion and also represents deep internal and international contradictions—this process entered its apogee.

Editor's column

Will US pullout from Syria increase risk of conflict with Russia?

The announcement of the US pullout from Syria was received with caution in Moscow. Besides the security and political challenges it may bring about, the Trump decision could mean the end of a practical, relatively constructive US-Russian approach to conflict at flashpoints.


Keynes Goes Global: Anticipating the Global Slowdown

As the world economy shows mounting signs of deceleration and recessionary fears intensify across global markets, the world community is likely to focus increasingly on how to undertake an effective anti-crisis response.

A Kingdom divided against himself. Special edition

This is a special issue of Russia in Global Affairs, dedicated to this big topic. Thirty years after the end of the Cold War, euphoria over the triumph of liberal ideology, which is “omnipotent because it is true,” has given way to dark pessimism about the future and led to the loss of ideational and moral guidelines.

China: How Fragile Is the Giant?

China is Russia's most important and responsible partner in the international arena. The five years that have passed since the beginning of the fundamental complication of relations between Russia and the West have shown that despite prejudices and lack of trust at the grassroots level, relations between the two countries remain friendly.

Crisis in 21st Century Political Warfare

In order to gain a freer hand in exercising foreign policy and pursuing those objectives, which include practices such as regime change, the US and its allies needed to change the manner in which the rules and boundaries of international relations were conceived and applied.

The Syrian Crisis: A Thorny Path from War to Peace

The second decade of the 21st century began with a string of explosive protests in the Middle East and North Africa, which have destabilized not only the countries that saw violent regime change but the entire region. A way out of the profound systemic crisis is yet to be found.