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Alexey Arbatov

Alexei Arbatov is Full Member of the Russian Academy of Sciences; Director of the International Security Center at the Institute of World Economy and International Relations; a member of the Russian delegation to the START I negotiations (1990); and Deputy Chairman of the Defense Committee of the State Duma (1994-2003).

  • 31 october 2018

    The Danger of Withdrawing From the INF Treaty

    Breaking arms control agreements is much easier than concluding them, but history shows that rejecting arms control agreements never improves one’s security and always damages it, a lesson that Moscow and Washington should heed.

  • 20 march 2018

    Collapse of the World Order?

    Moscow appears to be unprepared for polycentrism as it has not yet grasped its basic rule, which was well known to Russian chancellors of the 19th century: one should make compromises on individual issues in order to have closer relations with other centers of power than they have among themselves.

  • 5 october 2017

    Razing the Old to Build the New?

    If we give up the norms and instruments of nuclear arms control developed over the past half century, we will eventually end up with nothing. Instead, we should urgently save this invaluable structure and improve this system in a prudent way, adapting it to new challenges and threats.

  • 23 september 2014

    Collapse of the World Order?

    (6)

    Moscow appeared to be unprepared for polycentrism as it has not yet grasped its basic rule, which was well known to Russian chancellors of the 19th century: one should make compromises on individual issues in order to have closer relations with other centers of power than they have among themselves.

  • 15 april 2013

    Real and Imaginary Threats

    (1)

    The role of nuclear deterrence in the great powers’ efforts to ensure their security will continue to decline, despite Russia’s current attempts to assign a more significant role to it and notwithstanding the present deadlock in nuclear disarmament.

  • 16 october 2010

    Common Sense and Disarmament

    The role of nuclear weapons in ensuring the status and security of the Russian Federation seems to be over-exaggerated. It was the over-reliance on the nuclear potential (and military might in general) that finally ruined the Soviet Union, as it deprived it of an incentive to carry out a profound political and economic modernization. Russia must not repeat that mistake of relying too much on nuclear weapons as a guarantee of security and international prestige.

  • 9 august 2008

    Don’t Throw Stones in a Glass House

    A “machismo” – completely down-to-earth, highly anti-idealistic and rigidly pragmatic – position by Russia cannot but evoke a strong response from the majority of the national elite and the general public. This hard stance looks especially appealing if one recalls the na?ve idealism of the late 1980s and the political tossing about and humiliations of the 1990s.

  • 8 august 2007

    Is a New Cold War Imminent?

    The West is faced with the difficult problem of choosing a policy toward Russia in the course of its long, deep and very contradictory transformation. Until now, the U.S. and many of its allies have been going from one extreme to another over this issue: from high hopes to bitter disillusionment, from excessive involvement to utter indifference and disregard, and from enthusiasm to suspicions and hostility.

  • 13 may 2007

    Bureaucracy on the Rise

    Putin can with the stroke of a pen fire any government official or the Cabinet as a whole, dissolve the State Duma or a local legislature, or put the squeeze on an oligarch. However, the president is powerless to get rid of a whole class of the Russian post-Communist nomenklatura, or compel them to act contrary to their corporate interests.

  • 8 february 2006

    Russia: A Special Imperial Way?

    It is a question of paramount historical and contemporary political importance whether a military empire is a normal form of existence for Russia. Or, on the contrary, has such a model finally become obsolete after twice bringing this great country to collapse?

  • 30 july 2005

    Democracy and Nuclear Weapons

    The very act of raising the issue of democratic control and accountability in nuclear policy can, at best, evoke bewilderment or, at worst, suspicion of evil intentions. Yet, not only is democratic control a legitimate issue, it is long overdue in Russia’s defense and security policy.

  • 8 february 2005

    Winning a War While Not Losing the Peace

    Is there anything in common between the armed conflicts in Chechnya, Afghanistan and Iraq? The answer is, practically everything is different: their history, their nature, the composition of the conflicting parties and their goals, the legal basis, social and political consequences, etc. Yet, there are some points that permit us to compare these conflicts and even learn some vital lessons from them.

  • 13 april 2004

    Horizontal Proliferation: New Challenges

    The world is entering a fundamentally new stage in the proliferation of nuclear weapons – the most destructive and dangerous of WMD. But as distinct from the Cold War years, public opinion in the U.S., Western Europe and Russia has overcome its fear of nuclear weapons and no longer worries about nuclear disarmament prospects.

  • 21 march 2003

    What Kind of Army Does Russia Need?

    Russia’s need for a markedly different military organization became obvious, as never before, in the wake of the hostage drama at a theater center in Moscow. The fight against international terrorism and the threats posed by it requires profound changes in Russia’s military doctrine and in the armament of the army and law enforcement forces.

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Publisher's column

A new world order: A view from Russia

Since around 2017–2018, the world has been living through a period of progressive erosion, or collapse, of international orders inherited from the past. With the election of Donald Trump and the rapid increase of US containment of Russia and China—which is both a consequence of this gradual erosion and also represents deep internal and international contradictions—this process entered its apogee.

Editor's column

Will US pullout from Syria increase risk of conflict with Russia?

The announcement of the US pullout from Syria was received with caution in Moscow. Besides the security and political challenges it may bring about, the Trump decision could mean the end of a practical, relatively constructive US-Russian approach to conflict at flashpoints.


Heartland Reunion: Geopolitical Chimera or Historical Chance?

Anyone who has at least some idea about the theory of international relations should remember the oft-quoted formula put forward by the father of British geopolitics, Halford Mackinder: “Who rules the Heartland commands the World-Island; who rules the World-Island commands the world.”

Why Is It So Difficult for Russia and Japan to Come to Agreement?

Experts had many expectations ahead of the Russian-Japanese summit held in Moscow in late January. Many believed that the meeting between the two leaders would lead to a breakthrough expressed in the signing of a peace treaty and introduction of full clarity in the matter of the Japanese claims to four Kuril islands.

The Domino Effect: America’s Withdrawal from the INF Treaty and Its Ramifications

The United States has launched the procedure of withdrawal from the Treaty on the Elimination of the Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles (INF Treaty). Russia, in turn, also suspended its participation in the INF.

Indian Approaches to Multilateral Cooperation and Institutions in Eurasia

Relations between the US and Russia are at their worst since the end of the Cold War, China and the US have tense relations, India and China are trying to stabilize relations after a period of acrimony. The major powers appear today to be like the unhappy families in Leo Tolstoy’s Anna Karenina: ‘Each unhappy family (major power in this case) is unhappy in its own way.’

From Mistrust to Solidarity or More Mistrust? Russia’s Migration Experience in the International Context

Freedom of movement and freedom to choose a place of residence can be ranked among the category of freedoms which, as part of the Global Commons, have been restricted to varying degrees at the level of communities, states, and international associations.